[pp.int.general] [Fwd] [opennetcoalition] Accountability for ACTA
jaromil
jaromil at dyne.org
Thu Nov 19 22:40:46 CET 2009
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FYI
- ----- Forwarded message from Eddan Katz <eddan a eff.org> -----
Date: Thu, 19 Nov 2009 09:17:26 -0800
From: Eddan Katz <eddan a eff.org>
To: opennetcoalition a laquadrature.net
Subject: [opennetcoalition] Accountability for ACTA
X-Mailer: Apple Mail (2.936)
Just wanted to share a couple posts about how negotiating ACTA as an
Executive Agreement could be a violation of the US constitution, if
the laws of the US would require some change. The idea is to insist
that there be an opportunity for public comment as a result, not only
a demand for congressional oversight. The links from online are in
endnote form here in the email. There is also an accompanying law
review article from http://www.yjil.org/ also linked to below.
I am also including my ENDitorial for this issue of EDRi-gram further
below. As you all already know, Christian Ergström, Pirate MEP, is
soliciting help on a Parliamentary question about ACTA and the Telecom
Package. I tried to throw some initial thoughts into the ring - I'd be
interested to know if there has been some interest and/or effort to do
this in a coordinated way?
Also, given that a major soft spot of ACTA is that the negotiators are
bound by domestic laws which they lack the authority to change, I was
wondering if anyone had looked into or was interested in looking into
how individual European national laws may need to be changed as a
result of ACTA provisions, in addition to the EU level analysis and
advocacy that have been very capably analyzed already.
(http://action.ffii.org/acta/Analysis)
The closest we have to the texts are the Wikileaks docs of the
previous sections
(http://wikileaks.org/wiki/ACTA_negotiations_brief_on_Border_Measures_and_Civil_Enforcement_2008
) and
(http://wikileaks.org/wiki/Proposed_US_ACTA_multi-lateral_intellectual_property_trade_agreement_%282007%29
) in addition to the currently discussed Internet chapter. As far as I
know, there has been such analysis done in Canada (Geist), Australia
(Weatherall), US (KEI/EFF), and the EU (see above). It seems to me
that even within Europe, there would be significant differences in law
on some of the issues taken up by ACTA - border enforcement, civil
procedure, criminal sanctions. Let me know if anyone is interested in
further info about this.
- -Eddan
- --------
Stopping the ACTA Juggernaut.
http://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2009/11/stopping-acta-juggernaut
Legislative Analysis by Eddan Katz
November 19, 2009
ACTA juggernaut continues to roll ahead, despite public indignation[1]
about an agreement supposedly about counterfeiting agreement that has
turned into a regime for global Internet regulation. The Office of the
United States Trade Representative (USTR) has already announced[2]
that the next round of Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA)
negotiations will take place in January — with the aim of
concluding the deal "as soon as possible in 2010."
For the rest of us, with access[3] to only leaks[4] and[5] whispers[6]
of what ACTA is about[7], there are many troubling questions. How can
such a radical proposal legally be kept so secret from the millions of
Net users and companies whose rights and freedoms stand to be
affected[8]? Who decides what becomes the law of the land and by what
influence? Where is the public oversight for an agreement that would
set the legal rules for the knowledge economy? And what can be done to
fix this runaway process?
We wrestle with these questions in an essay on “The Impact of ACTA on
the Knowledge Economy”[9] in the Yale Journal of International Law
(November 2009 edition)[10]. We explain how ACTA got this far, in this
form, and propose four mechanisms for USTR transparency reforms, and
will give the public a voice in ACTA, if U.S. citizens - and their
elected officials - speak loudly and quickly enough[11].
In brief, the ACTA process has been deliberately more secretive than
customary practices in international decision-making bodies[12] to
evade[13] the debates about intellectual property (IP) at established
multilateral institutions. The Office of the USTR has chosen to
negotiate ACTA as a sole executive agreement[14]. Because of a
loophole[15] in democratic accountability on sole executive
agreements, the Office of the USTR can sign off on an IP Enforcement
agenda[16] without any formal congressional involvement at all[17].
But the negotiations do not have to be secret, and the sole executive
agreement process does have mechanisms for oversight: they have not
been used in ACTA, but can and should be.
The excuse for using sole executive agreements is that ACTA will be
fully respectful of U.S. law[18]. But the constraint of coloring
within the lines of US law[19], as one anonymous trade official
described it, is a fragile linchpin upon which the weight of public
trust and democratic legitimacy is bearing down. In an interview with
"Inside U.S. Trade"[20], for their June 19, 2009 edition[21] (paywall
link), the USTR was far less confident:
When pressed whether the U.S. would be open to any negotiated
difference from U.S. law in the ACTA, the official said that the goal
of the U.S. "is to stick as closely to U.S. law as possible."
How can the USTR negotiate an international agreement that sets new
global IP enforcement norms requiring changes to U.S. law and policy
as an Executive Agreement, without the knowledge or involvement of
Congress? Having failed to get similar proposal adopted via the World
Customs Organization[22], the USTR conceived ACTA as a plurilateral
agreement[23], avoiding the checks and balances of existing
multilateral norm-setting bodies[24]. After the announcement of ACTA
but prior to commencing formal negotiations, the USTR had prepared a
confidentiality agreement[25] that it asked all negotiating countries
to accept, which explicitly binds the negotiating partners from public
disclosure[26]. The USTR has exploited this as the justification for
classifying all correspondence between negotiating countries in the
interest of national security[27] under Executive Order 12958[28]. The
Mexican IP Office hosting the next ACTA negotiations recently
suggested that they still do not intend for the documents to be made
available to the public[29]. The Internet Chapter was reportedly
delivered to negotiating partners in physical, watermarked copies
designed to guard against leaks[30]. If the traditional justification
for secrecy in trade negotiations is to safeguard details of sensitive
US positions in negotiations for diplomatic advantage over other
foreign governments, then why is this confidentiality agreement being
used to prevent disclosure of ACTA texts to its own citizens?
Upon the expiration of Trade Promotion Authority in 2007[31], the USTR
chose to negotiate ACTA as a sole executive agreement. As a result,
ACTA will not require congressional advice and approval[32], which is
integral to the constitution's delicate balance[33] of executive and
legislative powers. As staunch a defender of executive privilege as
John Yoo once convincingly argued that the limits of executive power
to negotiate foreign agreements on intellectual property matters
unchecked would deprive the House of its constitutional function[34].
- From early on[35], civil[36] society[37] has protested ACTA's secrecy,
and despite continued public pressure[38], the USTR’s transparency
theater[39] rehearsals of internal review have concluded that showing
a selective few Washington insiders[40] the Internet provisions under
non-disclosure agreements would satisfy the demands of openness,
transparency, and oversight[41].
Sole executive agreements are not meant to be unaccountable. There are
in fact systems in place to stop our executive (and private interests)
from having untrammeled power to change the law. We've outlined four
ways that Congress, or an Administration sincere about transparency,
could put their house in order.
* Reform trade advisory committees for more diverse representation
Input to U.S. trade negotiators on IP needs to reflect the views of
all stakeholders in the U.S. knowledge economy[42] to counterbalance
the disproportionate influence of lobbyists for incumbent industries.
This requires reform of the current trade advisory committee[43]
system to include civil society and technology industry participation
in the tier 3 industry trade advisory committee on intellectual
property, ITAC-15[44], or the creation of new equivalent level
advisory committees[45]. Public interest values such as health and
consumer protection[46] could play an important role in the new
bipartisan trade policy[47] for the knowledge economy.
* Strengthen congressional oversight and negotiating objectives
Congressional oversight of foreign trade negotiations, especially
agreements affecting areas of non-trade domestic policy, should
require the USTR to comply with negotiating objectives that reflect
the interests of all stakeholders in the U.S. economy. In addition to
the labor and environmental standards articulated in proposed bills
like the TRADE Act (H.R. 3012)[48], IP enforcement provisions in
agreements must not undermine internationally agreed upon commitments
on public health[49], and flexibilities that protect citizens’ access
to knowledge[50], nor obstruct IP exceptions and limitations[51]
appropriate for the digital age. In addition, the Congressional
Oversight Group[52], a statutory supervisory group comprising members
House and the Senate designed to liaise with the Trade Representative
could conduct a thorough review and certify that the new negotiating
objectives have been met before a trade agreement could be brought for
a congressional vote.
* Institutionalize transparency guidelines for trade negotiations
Given the significance of the substantive provisions being debated to
Internet users, the ACTA process especially should enable citizens to
participate and provide input[53] on the public policy impacts like in
other negotiations[54] and their customary practices of making
documents available[55]. The USTR incorporating these reforms should
heed the Attorney General's instruction to adopt a presumption in
favor of disclosure[56] to usher in the President's new era of open
Government[57]. At a minimum, negotiating texts[58], when distributed
to all negotiating countries should be made public.
* Implement the State Department’s Circular 175 procedure.
Finally, the State Department plays an important role in checking the
unfettered power of the USTR through its Circular 175 Procedure[59].
These are the regulations that "ensure the proper exercise of the
treaty-making power." The State Department Foreign Affairs Manual goes
into great detail[60] on the Legal Advisor's criteria for review of
international agreements. There are multiple procedures on hand,
including formal congressional consultation, when there is a serious
question regarding the type of agreement being negotiated. {11 FAM
723.4(b)} It is also made clear that the approval of authorization to
negotiate does not constitute advance approval of the text or
authorization to enter into the agreement. {11 FAM 724.2} The State
Department investigates whether the proposed agreement is "in conflict
with other international agreements or U.S. law" {11 FAM 722(2)} and
whether it follows the "general international practice as to similar
agreements." {11 FAM 723.3(8)} Most significantly for the public's
stake in Internet freedom, the Circular 175 declares that:
The interest of the public be taken into account and, where in the
opinion of the Secretary of State or his or her designee the
circumstances permit, the public be given an opportunity to comment.
{11 FAM 725.1(6)}
The USTR transparency practices must be reformed, and they have failed
at reforming themselves. Now that the leaked documents[61] confirm
everything we feared[62], it is time to take a look at how we might
hold USTR Ambassador Kirk and Assistant McCoy, the lead ACTA
negotiator, to account for their promises:
- -- On diverse representation for advice on trade: "I can assure you
that I am committed to working very closely with Congress and all
interested stakeholders on all of our trade agreements and
negotiations, including ACTA." (Ronald Kirk Confirmation Hearings,
March 9, 2009)[63]
- -- On congressional oversight and legislative power: "Q: Will the ACTA
rewrite U.S. law? A: No. Only the U.S. Congress can change U.S. law.
(ACTA Fact Sheet, August 4, 2008)[64]
- -- On transparency practices: President Obama’s trade officials met
with several civil society groups and promised a thorough review of
the USTR policies regarding transparency. The review is expected to be
completed within a few months. The process will include a meeting
within a month to discuss initial specific proposals for openness and
transparency. Citizens and NGOs are encouraged to think about the
specific areas where openness and transparency can be enhanced and
how. (KEI USTR Transparency Review Report, March 19, 2009 - as
reviewed by Daniel Sepulveda, Assistant USTR for Congressional
Affairs) [65]
- -- On public participation: The ACTA negotitations "[p]articipants
also discussed the importance of transparency including the
availability of opportunities for stakeholders and the public in
general to provide meaningful input into the negotiating process."
(USTR Press Release, November 6, 2009)[66]
Such accountability is available in the U.S. system, but it cannot
come from the Office of the USTR alone. If ACTA is going to regulate
the global Internet, we believe that should warrant the opportunity
for public comment.
- ---
[1] http://www.boingboing.net/2009/11/03/secret-copyright-tre.html
[2] http://www.ustr.gov/about-us/press-office/press-releases/2009/november/-office-us-trade-representative-releases-statemen
[3] http://anticounterfeitingtradeagreement.com/
[4] http://www.pcworld.com/article/181312/trade_talks_hone_in_on_internet_abuse_and_isp_liability.html
[5] http://wikileaks.org/wiki/ACTA_negotiations_brief_on_Border_Measures_and_Civil_Enforcement_2008
[6] http://torrentfreak.com/riaas-anti-piracy-trade-agreement-wishlist-08082/
[7] http://www.michaelgeist.ca/content/view/4530/125/
[8] http://works.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1018&context=kimweatherall
[9] http://www.yjil.org/images/pdfs/katz_hinze_432.pdf
[10] http://www.yjil.org
[11] http://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2009/11/reining-in-acta
[12] http://www.keionline.org/misc-docs/4/attachment1_transparency_ustr.pdf
[13] http://www.iqsensato.org/blog/2009/04/12/acta-revelead-the-danger-signs-become-clearer/
[14] http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/congress/treaties_senate_role.pdf
[15] http://www.virginialawreview.org/articles.php?article=204
[16] http://www.twnside.org.sg/title2/intellectual_property/development.research/SusanSellfinalversion.pdf
[17] http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1108065
[18] http://news.cnet.com/8301-13578_3-10047945-38.html
[19] http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/11/13/AR2009111300852.html
[20] http://www.insidetrade.com/
[21] http://www.insidetrade.com/secure/display.asp?dn=INSIDETRADE-27-24-4&f=wto2002.ask
[22] http://www.southcentre.org/index2.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=1231&Itemid=69
[23] http://kestudies.org/ojs/index.php/kes/article/view/34/59
[24] http://www.ip-watch.org/weblog/2009/04/14/the-acta-threat-to-the-future-of-wipo/
[25] http://www.eff.org/files/filenode/EFF_PK_v_USTR/McCoy.pdf
[26] http://www.ustr.gov/about-us/press-office/blog/ask-ambassador-acta-text
[27] http://www.keionline.org/blogs/2009/03/12/acta-state-secret
[28] http://www.fas.org/sgp/clinton/eo12958.html
[29] http://partidopiratamexicano.org/?p=497
[30] http://www.michaelgeist.ca/content/view/4510/125/
[31] http://www.fasttrackhistory.org/conclusion.html
[32] http://bytestyle.tv/content/acta-internet-users-guilty-until-proven-innocent
[33] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_Clause
[34] http://www.escholarship.org/uc/item/4px3m0fx;jsessionid=B9ABD6892022380FE562222E52E7FE3F
[35] http://www.eff.org/issues/acta
[36] http://ipjustice.org/wp/campaigns/acta/
[37] http://tacd.org/index2.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=234&Itemid=40
[38] http://www.keionline.org/acta-petition
[39] http://blog.cdt.org/2009/03/20/intermission-at-ustrs-transparency-theater/
[40] http://www.huffingtonpost.com/james-love/white-house-creates-secre_b_322182.html
[41] http://www.publicknowledge.org/node/2710
[42] http://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2009/08/u-s-trade-advisory-committees-need-public-interest
[43] http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d02876.pdf
[44] http://www.trade.gov/itac/committees/ITAC15.IntellectualPropertyRights.asp
[45] http://www.eff.org/files/filenode/acta/eff_pk_testimony.pdf
[46] http://www.cpath.org/id4.html
[47] http://www.harvardjol.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/08/377-420_Rangel.pdf
[48] http://www.citizen.org/trade/tradeact/
[49] http://www.essentialaction.org/access/index.php?/archives/213-ACTA-and-the-Drug-Monopoly-Enforcement-Agenda-A-windfall-for-big-drug-companies;-higher-medicine-prices-for-all.html
[50] http://www.wipo.int/ip-development/en/agenda/recommendations.html
[51] http://www.ivir.nl/publications/hugenholtz/limitations_exceptions_copyright.pdf
[52] http://codes.lp.findlaw.com/uscode/19/24/3807
[53] http://www.keionline.org/node/684
[54] http://www.keionline.org/misc-docs/4/attachment3_transparency_ustr.pdf
[55] http://www.keionline.org/misc-docs/4/attachment2_transparency_ustr.pdf
[56] http://www.justice.gov/ag/foia-memo-march2009.pdf
[57] http://www.whitehouse.gov/the_press_office/Freedom_of_Information_Act/
[58] http://www.publicknowledge.org/node/2753
[59] http://www.state.gov/s/l/treaty/c175/
[60] http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/88317.pdf
[61] http://www.wired.com/threatlevel/2009/11/acta/
[62] http://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2009/11/leaked-acta-internet-provisions-three-strikes-and-
[63] http://www.finance.senate.gov/hearings/testimony/2009test/031109QFRs%20for%20SubmissionRK.pdf
[64] http://www.ustr.gov/sites/default/files/uploads/factsheets/2008/asset_upload_file760_15084.pdf
[65] http://www.keionline.org/blogs/2009/03/20/ustr2review-transparency
[66] http://www.ustr.gov/about-us/press-office/press-releases/2009/november/-office-us-trade-representative-releases-statemen
- --------
ENDitorial: Mobilizing to Stop ACTA
http://www.edri.org/edrigram/number7.22/acta-mobilizing-to-stop
EDRi-gram newsletter No. 7.22, 18 November, 2009
http://www.edri.org/edrigram/number7.22
The negotiating partners of ACTA have announced that the next round of
negotiations on ACTA will take place in Mexico in January and have
promised to conclude the agreement in 2010. As the last edition of the
EDRi-gram exposed, the Internet Provisions of ACTA lay down a global
foundation for riposte graduée, a global DMCA, and increased authority
for border guards to implement an information customs regime. This
global secret copyright treaty seems unstoppable, but it stands on
some fragile footing.
Not everyone was taken by surprise. The Foundation for a Free
Information Infrastructure (FFII) and especially Ante Wessels, has
been working on a sharp and thorough analysis of ACTA for quite a long
time that sets forth the issues of concern and points out the weak
spots in ACTA's armor. La Quadrature du Net also has set up a web
dossier on ACTA, the OpenNet Coalition behind the Blackout Europe
campaign has been getting prepared, and the Werebuild.eu project wiki
has an ACTA page.
The European Parliament has already spoken clearly in the Susta Report
last year on the expectations for transparency to European citizens,
the limitations of the Commission's competence on the criminal
provisions, the protection of privacy, and other public interest
concerns about this closed door pact of global impact.
And this time, artists have come out to show their support for the
Open Internet and not be used as pawns in the entertainment industry's
attempts to rig an international regime to preserve their business
models. The Free Culture Forum has released their Charter for
Innovation and Access to Knowledge. The Trans-Atlantic Consumer
Dialogue recently concluded the second round of the Paris Accord,
negotiating an agreement between consumers and artists.
Now, Christian Engström, Member of European Parliament (Pirate Party)
has invited the Internet community to help him shape a question on
ACTA and the Telecom Package, to which the European Commission and
Council are obliged to respond. Below are some brief thoughts intended
to engage a fuller discussion on four areas of intersection between
ACTA and the Citizen's Rights Amendment (138) of the Telecom Package:
(1) Judicial obligations; (2) Privacy; (3) Fundamental Rights; and (4)
EU Competence.
First, in regards to obligations for adjudication and enforcement on
the members states, it was a long and hard fought battle over the
essence of Amendment 138 as requiring a prior judicial ruling before
termination of Internet access. Conveniently prepared just weeks
before the final Conciliation, the legal services of the European
Parliament issued an opinion that the EU's meddling in such civil and
criminal procedures is outside the competence of the EU. Well, now it
turns out that ACTA not only wants to increase the ex officio
authority of border guards, it also delves quite specifically into
changes in the remedial powers of the court, including the calculation
of damages, the mandatory availability of injunctions, the scope of
criminal sanctions, and rules regarding search and seizure. Does the
hurried legal memo apply for this vast overreach on shaping global
norms as well? The European Parliament should inquire as to the
changes ACTA may require of Members States regarding their civil and
criminal procedure.
Second, ACTA can only be agreed upon by the negotiating partners if it
does not require a change in their own laws. As the Director of the
Mexican IP Office who will be hosting the next ACTA negotiations has
declared that they are "not going to negotiate something that is
outside of our legislation, which goes against the constitution, laws
or the criminal code." There are of course differences between the
diverse countries taking part in the negotiations of ACTA. A
significant difference in legal framework is in regards to privacy,
especially between the US and EU. The final Amendment 138 text
emphasized the increased standard of the privacy right and the
presumption of innocence, so that their priority is preserved in the
balancing of interests when in conflict with IP enforcement, for
example. The European Parliament must make sure the general public is
aware of the potential privacy implications of ACTA well before it is
concluded.
Third, it is important to remember that the fundamental rights and
freedoms ACTA impacts is not only in regards to the Internet, but is
also harmful to the global Access to Medicines. The Dutch drug seizure
scandal should of life-saving treatments that were in transit from
India to Brazil confiscated for patent infringement even though they
were not under patent at neither the origin nor destination of
shipment. The leaked copies of the ACTA text contain "in-transit"
provisions that would give pharmaceutical companies the power to
control the distribution of generic versions of essential medicines.
(These "in-transit" provisions would also then presumably mean that an
electronics product that contains hardware or software under patent in
one country but not another could also be seized.) The European
Parliament should clarify how ACTA will impact the distribution of
medicines and textbooks, and the impact on accessibility and the
availability of library information across borders.
Finally, in regards to EU competence, it is a great stretch for the
Article 133 Committee of the European Commission DG Trade to claim
proper competence for the sweeping changes proposed in the ACTA on a
broad range of policy issues. As the FFII analysis and the Ombudsman
complaints reveal, ACTA goes beyond the acquis communitaire in several
important areas. The criminal provisions of ACTA in particular clearly
lie outside its competence, which is why a couple representatives from
the Council were reportedly invited to previous negotiations to
satisfy the need for a common accord with the European Members States,
despite the requirement for unanimity in European Council. And as
EDRi's Joe McNamee reminded us, the European Commission is opening up
the issues of third-party liability in the Internet Provisions even
though Parliament expressly declared that it shouldn't. The European
Parliament should ask for clarification on how it is justified that
those questions which are at the forefront of the controversies and
debates over digital rights and access to knowledge, which are now in
the midst of the legislative process, can be decided behind closed
doors for the world, without public input and democratic participation.
EDRi-gram: ENDitorial: ACTA revealed, European ISPs might have a big
problem (4.11.2009)
http://www.edri.org/edrigram/number7.21/acta-revealed-isp-europe
FFII: ACTA analysis
http://action.ffii.org/acta/Analysis
La Quadrature: Acta
http://www.laquadrature.net/en/acta
We Re-Build: ACTA
http://werebuild.eu/wiki/index.php/ACTA
Free culture forum: Charter for Innovation, Creativity and Access to
Knowledge
http://fcforum.net/charter_extended
The Paris Accord Round II (23-24.10.2009)
http://www.tacd-ip.org/blog/the-paris-accord/
Question on ACTA and the Telecoms Package (15.11.2009)
http://christianengstrom.wordpress.com/2009/11/15/question-on-acta-
and...
Report on the impact of counterfeiting on international(8.11.2008)
http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-//EP//TEXT
+REPOR...
Interview with Jorge Amigo, Director of IMPI about #ACTA (13.11.2009)
http://partidopiratamexicano.org/?p=497
HAI Statement - Release of generic ARV medicines by Dutch Customs
Authorities (20.03.2009)
http://www.haiweb.org/12082009/20%20Mar%202009%20Statement%20Release
%2...
Trade Talks Hone in on Internet Abuse and ISP Liability (3.11.2009)
http://www.pcworld.com/article/181312/
trade_talks_hone_in_on_internet_...
(Contribution by Eddan Katz - EDRi-member Electronic Frontier
Foundation - USA)
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-----END PGP SIGNATURE-----
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